In the first post I looked at those aspects of the Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien argument that I thought were broadly correct. In this part I want to look at their other criticisms of what they see as the revolutionary approach and what I see as valid in their criticisms of what passes for revolutionary Marxism but what I believe is not necessary to it.
They state of the revolutionary approach that “destruction of the state is the order of the day, with the point of note being the sequence: first, the state, as the godfather of capital, must be taken out of the equation; only then can the working class organise, through new forms such as workers’ councils, the mass participation in public life necessary to the complete the journey to socialism.”
“Until a revolutionary situation arises in which the state can be smashed there are limits to what can be achieved on a mass scale since it is the process of revolution itself that draws the masses into public life.”
“The party that revolutionaries seek to build interacts with the masses during the revolutionary process and is the repository of the historical mission in less propitious times. But the revolutionary party itself has a different role than the workers councils and remains separate from them and pre-revolutionary mass organisations. By separate we mean institutionally distinct, not that they never try to influence them. Although naturally a pro-insurrectionary party would like to grow, it doesn’t aim to win a majority support for itself. . .”
“If anything the creation of permanent mass institutions becomes a fetter which prevents a revolutionary overthrow of capitalism by the treacherous actions of its bureaucratised leadership when the hour strikes.”
It is not that Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien are unaware of the dangers of bureaucratisation in the building of a socialist workers’ movement: “Clearly there is a danger that the day-to-day concerns force the grand vision into the background. Such is the risk of engaging with reality. But without being able to relate the day-to-day with the longterm project, the proponents of socialism will remain very isolated intellectuals.”
Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien also make criticisms of what they see as the anti-party and anti-political mindset of those who advocate workers’ councils but since I think this criticism is aimed mainly at anarchism and perhaps council communists I won’t take these arguments up.
If we work our way backwards through the criticisms above the first is the danger of bureaucratisation of workers’ organisations, especially through the long years (decades!) of non-revolutionary circumstances. They are right to say that to try to seek to protect against this by avoiding the day-to-day concerns and small struggles of working people is failing to engage with reality.
We must start from where we are and not where we might want to be. This might seem so obvious as to hardly require saying but take this from the British Socialist Workers’ Party article referred to in my last post:
“Who, after all, thinks that ‘in the present situation’ in France (or anywhere else) workers are going to try to centralise the power of their workers’ councils? The very precondition of such a development is that the ‘present situation’ has changed. The idea of revolution in a non-revolutionary situation is absurd. Every revolutionary situation has involved a split within the existing state apparatus and the existing ruling class. A revolutionary situation involves a crisis for the state, a loss of effectiveness. Without such a crisis there can be no revolution: that is part of the ABC of Marxism. It is precisely the crisis in the state which permits the emergence of a situation of ‘dual power’ and the possibility of a new form of state power conquering.”
The reformist approach to socialism is criticised by this writer for believing “the transition to socialism is to occur from the ‘present situation’ and without ‘economic collapse’. In practice . . . all reformists—seek(s) to construe a transition to socialism from the ‘present situation’.”
In other words revolutionary politics comes into its own when there is a revolutionary situation. But of course how we get to this situation, how the working class is ready for it, how it has built its power and consciousness to the point where it can successfully challenge for power – all this has to be done precisely from the present situation. After what has been decades in which there has patently not been revolutionary crises in the advanced capitalist states it is manifestly not enough to say that when such crises eventually erupt – although they will not even erupt without a prior revolutionising of working class consciousness, organisation and social power – we need to smash the capitalist state to effectively respond to the needs of such events.
Without a prior strategy to build up the power of the working class it will in all likelihood not be in a position to effectively challenge for power no matter what objective crisis capitalism undergoes. The merit of the Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien argument is that they present this problem and it is the responsibility of Marxists to address it even if these authors use it as an argument against revolutionary destruction of the capitalist state.
There are other less crass ways of Marxists failing to engage with reality, such as demanding that campaigns or activity must meet some level of demands and therefore class consciousness that workers patently cannot rise to, at least not in current conditions or with the current level of political consciousness. Some sections of the Left can then turn political demands not into bridges to advancing political consciousness but obstacles to action and subsequent rise in consciousness.
It is no doubt true that part of the reason for this is a belief by Marxists that the purpose of Marxism is to promote a revolutionary rupture and so seek to further this by advancing demands associated with partial struggles that if accepted by workers in such struggles can more or less quickly objectively clash with the logic of the capitalist system and therefore lead to revolutionary crisis. The only problem of course is, as we have said above, it should be obvious that workers are many years from being in a position to perform such a role. That many, many struggles cannot have a perspective of more or less raising the question of state power is hard to accept.
But it must be accepted because without being with the workers, no matter how backward their consciousness, socialism, real socialism, the socialism which is about the power of workers and not of the state, can by definition achieve nothing.
There are no formulas that guarantee this but it is important to dismiss formulas that guarantee against it.
Of course most left organisations claiming to be Marxist make the opposite mistake of dumbing down socialism so that it becomes an appeal to the state to accomplish what the working class is not yet willing or able to accomplish itself.
It is my view however that revolutionary politics not only exists in periods of relative class peace but must exist in such periods, if only because we have lived through decades of non-revolutionary conditions and the level of working class organisation and consciousness is now such that we cannot expect that this will be changed quickly.
Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien put forward similar ideas, without the view that revolution is necessary, but their argument is not always consistent.
Speaking of the tasks of the socialist movement now they say that: “We want to merge the socialists into mass organisations so that ideologically socialist parties exist on a truly large basis over a prolonged period of time, for decades at least, for centuries if necessary.”
But this sits uneasily with recognition of the dangers of bureaucratisation of the workers’ movement and how this weakens their case for a long term strategy of attrition: “The pressure of the wider pro-capitalist culture combined with the tendency towards increasing conservative apparatus makes the strategy of attrition a risky one. There is a race on between the socialist organisations aiming to transform capitalist society before capitalist society transforms them.” A race lasting centuries?
Part of the problem Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien have is expressed in their description of their own strategy:
“The strategy of attrition is, therefore, compatible with a type of politics that is close to where many people already are. Its radicalism lies in its goals, not in its practice and this makes it easier to interact with non-socialists on an open basis. There is no need to hide its insurrectionary orientation because it doesn’t have one.”
The separation of goals and the practice of getting there inevitably means a failure to achieve the goals or leads to a different practice. The view that socialism can be delivered by the state taking ownership of the economy, or redistributing wealth, does not lead to the working class achieving power but the extension of the power of the state.
Revolutionary politics therefore involves workers achieving what they can achieve by themselves. The revolutionary content in any demand, or action or programme is the growth in the independent power and consciousness of the working class. This obviously achieves its fullest extent when workers challenge for state power by attempting to destroy the state power wielded by the capitalist class and by creating its own. But this does not prevent, rather it requires, years of workers learning that it is their own action that will deliver them what they want and what they need.
Building an independent trade union is more revolutionary than calling for increased taxation of the rich by the state even if some success attends the latter. Creating a workers’ cooperative is more revolutionary than calling for the nationalisation of the banks even if banks, as they have been, are nationalised. Workers fighting to control their own pension funds and taking them out of the hands of the bankers is more revolutionary than demanding that the state jail the corrupt bankers. The latter happens in the US and the trial of the Anglo Irish bankers has begun. They get jailed? How does this advance the independent power of the working class?
We are now able to see how revolutionary politics is compatible with the long years of relative class peace as well as revolutionary crises. We can evaluate political programmes as more or less revolutionary or reformist without being obliged to speculate on near-hand revolutionary crises.
We can say with Marx that:
“It is not a question of what this or that proletarian, or even the whole proletariat, at the moment regards as its aim. It is a question of what the proletariat is, and what, in accordance with this being, it will historically be compelled to do.”
But what the working class is and what it therefore does depends on its own existence, its own struggles and not on the actions of the state and those who inhabit it.
Much of the ‘transitional’ character of Trotsky’s transitional programme, upon which for many revolutionary politics must rest, does not connect the class struggle to the creation of an entirely new socialist mode of production. This was something we saw in the first post and taken up in the comment to it.
That which does, the expropriation of capitalist enterprises, is wrongly bastardised into nationalisation by the capitalist state, see my earlier post.
We can now therefore look again at the description of revolutionary politics from Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien which we quoted earlier.
It is not necessary for revolutionary politics to claim that only revolution that can bring the working class into mass participation in politics. Building workers cooperatives, trade unions and a workers’ political party are all necessary to stimulate and develop working class consciousness and organisation. A revolution is not necessary for any of them.
It is a truism to say that only revolution expresses this participation to its fullest extent but even here the prior establishment, development and political defense of workers ownership requires certain levels and type of workers activity that political revolution is not a substitute for. Cooperative production involves the working class learning the skills and experience of the future mode of production.
Revolutionaries do have to separately organise but this does not necessitate institutional separation in terms of a completely separate party. Revolutionaries can seek to win a majority of the working class prior to a revolutionary situation. It is not a fetter to win the majority of the working class to socialism; even if the majority of the working class did not actually support a revolutionary perspective.
The dangers of bureaucratisation and conservatism are real but deliberate minority status of the revolutionaries doesn’t protect either this minority or do anything to win a reformist majority. Often of course reformist leaders will not give revolutionaries the choice of working within a larger reformist working class party but it is no answer to seek separation if revolutionaries are otherwise free to organise.
Revolutionaries do not believe that it is only after the working class has smashed the capitalist state that it can organise or we would have a classic chicken and egg situation – we can’t destroy the capitalist state until we are organised and can’t organise until we have destroyed the state.
It is in fact my argument that it is precisely the view of Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien, of attempting to use the existing state to create socialism and to organise primarily through electoralism, that restricts and limits the participation of workers in political activity and heightens the bureaucratisation of the workers’ movement.
It is obviously true that socialist revolution has not succeeded during the twentieth century but it is also true that this has been partly because the workers’ movement has been bureaucratised by and through the capitalist state that Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien think is the answer to the former failure. And the strategy that produced this bureaucratisation was one of seeking election to office within the capitalist state when the working class was in a position only to administer capitalism not overthrow it.
In the next post I will look at the Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien view of the capitalist state some more.
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I think your comment:
“It is in fact my argument that it is precisely the view of Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien, of attempting to use the existing state to create socialism and to organise primarily through electoralism, that restricts and limits the participation of workers in political activity and heightens the bureaucratisation of the workers’ movement.”
hits the nail pretty much on the head and was something I tried to highlight in my own critique of the Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien perspective.
It is not only in terms of the future transformation of society that they are wrong but in the here and now the type of workers’ organisations they implicitly favour do not actually encourage mass participation in the class struggle, or to the extent that they do it is in a very passive way which does not equip the working class for the reality of conflict with the forces of the capitalist state.
Of course the irony is that the “revolutionary” groups who Mendel-Gleason and O’Brien critique actually promote very similar organisational forms in their concrete electorally focussed practice – as we saw during the Campaign Against Home and Water Taxes.
Once again I look forward to your next instalment.
Once again, I can’t disagree with any of that. The idea that we need some kind of capitalist crisis (catastrophism) to shortcut the task of socialist revolution is common on the Left (and Far Right), and is crass.
If we look at previous societies the experience is the opposite. Primitive Communism did not experience collapse. The development of productive forces led to class society emerging from it, going beyond it. By contrast, slave society did collapse. Rather than what came out of it being built upon it, as an historical advance, there was the ruination of the contending classes, as the slaves were unable to turn themselves into the new ruling class. Feudal society did not collapse. In fact, Feudalism was stronger at the point it was replaced by capitalism, than it had ever been. It had built up a symbiotic relation with commercial and financial capital, with the latter two being subordinated to, and dependent on it. The commercial capitalists like Drake and Raleigh, and later the East India Company etc. acted as its advanced guard into wider areas of the globe.
By this means the feudal landlords obtained rents from ever extended land areas across the globe, by colonialism, whilst the commercial capitalists acting as its agents made profits by buying low and selling high in the trade to and from those colonies, whilst the money-capitalists (including sections of the aristocracy themselves like the Rothschilds) provided the finance for the trade etc. Capitalism did not arise because feudalism collapsed, but emerged out of it, on the back of its success and development of the productive forces. Its clear that narx saw the development of Socialism as following a similar course.
A collapse of Capitalism and its state, would almost certainly be disastrous for workers. As evidence look at the “Arab Spring”, look at the experience of the Iranian Revolution, look at what is likely to happen now in the Ukraine.
The view of socialist revolution that flows from these kinds of perspective based on collapse and catastrophe is idealist and elitist. Instead of Marx’s view of the workers creating socialism as a conscious act, knowing exactly what they want to create, having been won to that idea in their vast majority in advance by the Marxists (winning the battle of democracy as Marx puts it) we have the opposite. In short instead of the workers being the historical agent that creates socialism with the aid of the Marxists, we have a view that it is the Marxists who create socialism with the aid of the workers. Such a perspective can only lead to disaster for the workers.