The Revolutionary Programme web site altered me recently to the latest electoral initiative of the Left – here. The programme of this initiative is the following:
- No to the Property, Water & Septic Tank Taxes – No to Deduction at Source.
- No to all Austerity – ordinary people have paid enough.
- For a united movement of ordinary people affected by home taxes and austerity – no to divisions based on race or nationality.
- Tax the Wealthy as the alternative to austerity: For progressive taxation on the wealthy and corporate sector.
- End the bailouts of banks and bondholders, instead use the money to create real jobs through a programme of necessary public works.
- Our candidates if elected would:
Fight against plans for Water Metering, Water Taxes and Water Privatisation.
Oppose all cuts in council services or erosion of workers conditions.
Make no deals on the Council with the austerity Parties (FF, FG, LP).
Oppose the gravy train – no participation in junkets. Demand local planning for the community, not for developers or vested interests.
What attitude should Marxists take to this electoral initiative?
Just like every other party standing in an election it must surely be judged by what it says – by its professed programme or set of policies, providing of course these are also what it truly represents.
Can and should it be supported?
The electoral slate is clearly not a party and was organised by the Campaign Against Property Tax and Austerity but the logic of standing in an election is to act like a party and even more so if elected. The failure of the Unite Left Alliance to do so has led to its demise.
The policies above are no way different from that of the ULA, except more limited. The Left has argued over the last number of years that elections and those elected are there to advance ‘real’ struggles outside of parliament and council chambers. The last few years have demonstrated conclusively however that it is the other way round – struggles in communities and estates have been means to advance electoral ambitions. Electoralism is a dirty word on the Left but nothing would appear to describe the method of organising so accurately.
This initiative, the promised first of many, must be judged firstly on its own terms.
The short summary of its aims says it is against austerity and the various taxes that have made up a large part of this agenda. The anti-property tax has failed so it will have to be explained how standing in elections will bring success. Otherwise voters are being asked to vote for good intentions. Councils can clearly not change the policy of central government so how will the taxes and austerity more generally be blocked and reversed? No concrete and practical way forward is put forward. Maybe it will be, but if it isn’t then it is purely propaganda.
If the reason for standing is to build the campaign this should be the main point of the programme but even here it should be explained how the campaign will achieve its aims. Is, or rather was, a mass boycott a road forward given deduction at source? If not what is the alternative – a mass political campaign aimed at persuading tax workers to refuse implementation of the tax?
What role is there for councils? Are enough candidates standing to win a majority? If so what would they do with such a majority? Can they unite with other similarly minded councils to campaign against the tax? What powers do councils have to frustrate or prevent this tax or austerity? Will the new council promote workers control or ownership of council services? What other steps will it take to promote the democratisation of local government?
If there is no possibility of winning a majority then what role would those elected take? Will they release all information currently withheld on council activities? How will they frustrate the local implementation of austerity?
If these questions aren’t put to the fore then, as I’ve said, what we are seeing is purely propaganda. This does not mean that this aspect should be underestimated. Even in periods of limited struggle, in fact particularly in such periods, the task of socialists is to try to educate as many workers as possible through propaganda. Given the very small size of the socialist movement in Ireland this is by far and away its biggest task. If it doesn’t get this right then the majority of what it is capable of doing is wasted if not positively harmful.
The thrust of the programme appears to be anti-austerity with the alternative being taxation of the wealthy – “for progressive taxation on the wealthy and corporate sector.” It is also proposed to “End the bailouts of banks and bondholders, instead use the money to create real jobs through a programme of necessary public works.”
I have shown what is wrong with the idea you can tax the wealthy here and here so I won’t repeat my arguments again in this post. The main problem is that it is not the wealth or high incomes of the rich that are the cause of austerity so even if it were possible to tax both effectively the cause of austerity would persist. This cause is the economic crisis. Because the economic system is a capitalist one the elementary task of a manifesto would be to state this and explain it. Explain exactly how the way the capitalist system works has given rise to this crisis and will create more in future. This would be necessary in order to argue that the alternative to austerity from a working class point of view is socialism. Explaining what this is would involve is an obvious next step – expropriation of capitalist ownership and workers ownership in its place and a workers’ state in place of the existing state.
Complaining that the programme does not mention socialism is not the problem since the programme is not a socialist one. If this is the way it is then it is better that it does not claim to be socialist.
The programme proposes ending the bailouts of banks but does not explain how this might be done, the consequences or the alternatives. Some of these issues are touched upon here, here and here. How is the debt to be repudiated? What debt is to be repudiated? How would credit be provided if the banks were allowed to fail?
Anyone who begins to think seriously about what “ending the bailouts” means will have these questions in their head and without an answer they will be open to accepting right wing claims that such proposals are not thought through , cannot be implemented or would be even more disastrous than what we already have. Dealing with such claims is the important task of propaganda and at this point in time elections are useful means of getting across the message.
In the absence of all this the message put across is a radical Keynesian one, that is a capitalist one. One that is temporarily more beneficial to working people but one, if followed,that would lead to inflation, wage cuts, unemployment, and calls for reducing budget deficits and tax increases later on. That’s if it worked in the meantime!
From a political point of view therefore the programme does not assert separate working class politics but, in so far as it puts forward an alternative, puts forward the benign actions of the capitalist state as the solution. It therefore doesn’t even get to first base in terms of a socialist alternative. It may therefore be reformist but it isn’t working class reformism because it seems to rely solely on pressurising the state.
In terms of the reformist/revolutionary dichotomy it isn’t even the former since it lacks the courage of its convictions and fails to propose a Left Government for the Dail that could tax the rich and the corporations; burn the bondholders and use the money to create jobs in the public (read – capitalist state) sector.
A socialist programme would explain that fighting austerity is required to defend our living conditions but that this will ultimately fail unless the system is replaced. Austerity can at best be ameliorated but such is the depth of the crisis it cannot be entirely halted and reversed under the present economic system.
Some will deny this and claim that austerity can be ended without changing the system; that the rich can be made to pay for their crisis and that policies of growth will ensure that this can happen.
On the other side will be those who will claim that austerity is an inevitable result of an economic crisis, which is caused by the capitalist system in its attempts to produce and accumulate capital beyond the conditions that allow it reproduce itself harmoniously. The excessive expansion of credit is always a feature of capitalist crisis and the bigger the boom the bigger the bust, unless even more credit is injected into the economy in which case the bigger the boom . . . No amount of regulation or honest government can prevent this without seriously gumming up the capitalist system, in which case you simply have a different sort of crisis with very much the same symptoms of unemployment etc.
On the first side of this debate will be the liberal defenders of Keynes, including their economists and leaders of the trade unions. On the second, socialists, who can only consistently defend their ideas by understanding and presenting the arguments of Karl Marx, which is the reason Marx wrote ‘Capital’.
A recent post on the Michael Roberts blog has a couple of interesting points to make about these arguments.
He points to research showing that inequality of income reduced between 1910 and 1950 across the OECD (most advanced) countries, which calls into question the idea that capitalist crisis is a result of inequality that progressive taxation could cure. This period, after all, covers the great depression of the 1930s.
He points to other research that:
“Credit booms mostly lead to financial crises, but inequality does not necessarily lead to credit booms. “Our paper looks for empirical evidence for the recent Kumhof/Rancière hypothesis attributing the US subprime mortgage crisis to rising inequality, redistributive government housing policy and a credit boom. Using data from a panel of 14 countries for over 120 years, we find strong evidence linking credit booms to banking crises, but no evidence that rising income concentration was a significant determinant of credit booms. Narrative evidence on the US experience in the 1920s, and that of other countries, casts further doubt on the role of rising inequality.“
The problem with left solutions that highlight (sometimes more or less exclusively) inequality of income and wealth is that their solutions do nothing to tackle the origin and cause of this inequality. The Michael Roberts blog points out that “in 2011, capital income constituted 60% of the top earner’s income compared to just 32% in the 1980s.”
The origin and cause is capitalist ownership of the means of production, including its purchase of labour power, its ownership of capital and the money and power this involves. It is the relations of production in which workers have to sell their ability to work to a class of owners of the means of production that produces the gross inequalities in society. Redistributing what is already produced, even were it possible, would not overturn this power relationship or the exploitation and oppression involved because it does not get to the heart of the matter.
In a country where little or nothing of this is understood the elementary task of socialists is to explain this to as wide a number of workers as possible and elections should be taken as an opportunity to do so.
So we are back to our question – should this electoral initiative be supported?
To the extent it has been judged as a more or less adequate immediate guide to action or corresponds to the educational needs of the working class the verdict would appear to be no.
Perhaps unity could not be agreed between the participants on any other basis and what we see is a campaign standing in an election not a party. But was any other basis proposed or offered? Was any discussed or do the participants see no problem in the platform of a campaign being adequate to a programme for an election?
It might truthfully be said that the low level of the programme reflects the low level of Irish workers’ class consciousness but this is not a way out of objections to it, for there is nothing in it to advance Irish workers’ understanding of the cause of the austerity they face or the great changes that are required to defeat it and establish a new society.
The only conditions upon which it would be possible to support this initiative is if it went further in arguing the socialist case or if it raised the prospect of invigorating a section of workers into activity, in which case through this activity they may learn about the roots of their predicament and themselves go beyond the timidity of the anti-austerity campaign. To do the latter they may have to go beyond the existing Left groups who save what they think is socialism for potential recruits while the broader class of workers they address in electoral material, the purported agent of revolution, are fed re-heated capitalist reforms.