The dysfunctional nature of the Stormont regime is widely acknowledged. The two leading parties exclude the others in decision making while being unable to make decisions themselves; except not to expose each other’s most sectarian actions – employment discrimination by Sinn Fein minister Conor Murphy and moves to sectarianise housing by the DUP’s Nelson McCausland.
Other parts of the settlement are also exposed. The PSNI have lost much credibility with their facilitation of illegal loyalist flag protests while the Parades Commission, set up to solve the parades issue, is now part of the problem. It is ignored even by the police, as during the flags protests, or has its determinations on how parades are to behave brazenly flouted by loyalist marchers, who the Commission then allows to parade again, with the same results.
Meanwhile spokesmen for the DUP partners of Sinn Fein in government blame the Sinn Fein Lord Mayor of Belfast for being physically assaulted by loyalists while visiting a park in a unionist area (DUP leaders were not attacked in the nationalist park earlier in the day) and a DUP member of the Stormont Assembly tweets her support for the killing of Sinn Fein leaders.
The DUP decision, announced by the First Minister from a holiday in Florida which appeared to last forever, that there will be no ‘peace centre’ at the site of the prison where the IRA hunger strikers died exposes the weakness of Sinn Fein. A settlement that makes any change to the status quo dependent on the defenders of that status quo has been exposed once again.
In this situation it is not one religious group that primarily loses out, although the evidence in the first post shows that disadvantage remains unequal, but the lowest section of each working class that suffers most. The old socialist maxim that sectarianism hits workers most, and the poorest at that, is demonstrated in the ways the new sharing of sectarianism works, or rather how it operates in its own dysfunctional manner.
The exposure that a homeless man in East Belfast on the housing waiting list with a points total of 330 (indicating level of need) was passed over in favour of a person with only 26 points caused a minor scandal (all scandals in the North are minor). This flagrant breach of ‘rights’ was carried out by a housing association whose member includes a former Sinn Fein councillor. Two of his nieces were allocated housing by the association, which is why, when the case appeared in court, the judge referred to nepotism.
A friend of mine has also reminded me that while he is recommended to go for a job interview with Shorts in East Belfast the social security staff tell him they won’t bother sending him for an interview in West Belfast, where he lives, because a job there is for ‘Shinners’.
In many Protestant areas the indulgence of loyalist paramilitaries by the state has made them more attractive to young Protestants who then end up with a career in violent sectarianism as opposed to a career on the dole or in part time and poorly paid employment. These paramilitaries then feed off the local population in a wholly parasitic fashion – extorting protection money from small businesses; selling drugs and then claiming to be protectors against dealers; engaging in general criminality then ‘dealing’ with (other) criminals; and finally parading the reactionary politics of the local population while hiding their criminality behind their politics. This reactionary politics in working class areas acts as another barrier to Protestant workers being able to escape the loyalist gangsters.
The situation is therefore complicated. A political settlement exists that has the support of the State and Sinn Fein but which is more and more clearly just a stepping stone for unionism to return to unrestricted unionist rule. At the moment this is simply not possible. The reversal of the previous struggle against unionist and British misrule does not mean that history has gone backwards.
At the same time the sectarian demands of loyalism set the agenda. Once more nationalist commentators call for loyalists to be ‘brought in from the cold’ despite their being treated as legitimate political representatives and special slush funds being created for their benefit. It is vainly hoped that there is just one more Orange parade that is causing trouble and that if only it is sorted the other 3,000 odd will never cause a problem.
As this article is written the loyalists that everyone is invited to save from their supposed marginalisation by the peace process has, through a nomme de guerre, threatened everyone connected with three Catholic schools in North Belfast with ‘military action’. In a throwback to sectarian assaults on Catholic primary school children in Ardoyne, primary school children are threatened because if loyalists can’t parade Catholics can’t go to school.
With such a mass of contradictions it appears that the whole edifice must crumble, and it is indeed crumbling. But this could take some time – a decay that brings mutual ruination presided over by the British State but with no progressive force or alternative emerging.
In his eye-witness report of the republican anti-internment march Belfast Plebeian speculates on the revival of republicanism. Not the new partitionism of Sinn Fein but a genuine movement committed to a united Ireland. This anti-internment demonstration and relatively small electoral victories demonstrates that the movement has a small base of support. But whether it has a progressive and realistic alternative is a different matter.
The support of a marginalised section of the Catholic population is one thing. A programme that might promise an alternative to this population must go beyond gaining support from it to advancing solutions to wider society. It is self-evident that there is no solution at the local level nor at the level of the Northern State and not, as recent events have so clearly shown, at the level of the island.
Republicans have to answer the question how they can unite the Irish people in order to unite the country. Poor Catholics in Belfast would benefit from an ending of partition but workers in Dublin might want some alternative to the problems brought about by a capitalist economic crisis and political domination by a state in cahoots with imperialism – right now obviously subordinated by the Troika of European Union, International Monetary Fund and European Central Bank.
The challenges to the creation of this alternative even in the North are more complicated than those faced by the movement created in the 1960s. While Catholic disadvantage persists the inclusion, even at a secondary level, of Catholic parties in the political administration, means, as has been argued, that it is not simply a matter of discrimination but of sectarian competition. That Catholics lose out more than Protestants means the simple equation of their respective position and of the political expressions of the two sectarian groups is wrong. That it is the workers and poorest of both that pay most does not mean that the sectarian division, and the political issues around it, can be ignored or treated as something without need of a particular political intervention that gives specific answers.
Despite their small base of support the republicans are not well placed to face up to and address these difficulties.
Firstly, and most obviously, but most importantly, this movement is confined to the Catholic population. A strategy of seeking unity across the sectarian division is rendered particularly difficult. These forces are weak among the rest of the Irish working class in the southern state so the mobilisation of the latter in a political alternative that can practically demonstrate to Protestant, and to other workers, the possibilities of their programme is itself presented with formidable obstacles.
All this assumes in the first place that these republicans, who are divided into a number of groups, regard the political contradictions of the peace process as the primary challenge and political task that they face. Many in this movement have not broken from the militarism that so demonstratively failed in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s.
The re-creation of a military campaign even approaching that of the Provisionals at its height in 1972, when the Official IRA also participated (‘ceasefire’ or not), is simply not going to happen. This campaign fed off an elemental upsurge, British repression and extreme loyalist reaction. The British learnt lessons in their counter-insurgency, which is one reason they won, although given the relative military resources they couldn’t really lose.
Some republican attempts to recreate a crisis, including British repression and loyalist reaction, through armed action (in the hope of sparking the third element of Catholic upsurge) might produce two out of three. It is and will therefore be a reactionary project.
Some republicans clearly recognise this but no coherent, comprehensive or convincing critique of their previous military strategy has come from this movement. Without this the option will remain open to large sections of it and with such an option failure is guaranteed. Marxists do not favour premature armed action by revolutionary socialist forces never mind the action of republicans with no credible socialist credentials.
The character of the armed struggle was of an armed revolt by a minority of an oppressed Catholic population that was solely Catholic because the sectarian character of the State made it so. Nevertheless this situation meat that a premature armed campaign with no prospect of military victory was wide open and susceptible to political degeneration, which is what happened. From mass gun battles lasting hours against the British army the armed struggle moved to blowing things up, like shops, bus depots, restaurants and hotels etc. without any rationale for doing so.
It meant the pursuit of soft targets and a wider and wider definition of ‘legitimate targets’; all to avoid the hard fact that the IRA could no longer engage the British Army, the army of occupation, in a serious guerrilla struggle. The failure of the armed struggle and the impossibility of it succeeding against the military power of Britain were denied in word while accepted in deed.
This meant that the sectarian weakness of the republican resistance, its wholly Catholic character, was impressed on it through actions that more and more conflicted with its declared non-sectarian objectives. Bombings were targeted at groups of Protestants seemingly without any regard to their political impact as if some spurious military logic was of primary importance.
So, for example, the IRA complained that the British caused unnecessary civilian casualties by not acting on bomb warnings. The fact that the British had devised a way of discrediting republicans through exploiting one weakness of their bombing tactic did not prevent the IRA walking into this trap again and again for which many civilians paid the price. This blindness to the requirements of a political struggle betrayed the undeveloped nature of the movement; one that still characterises those that would continue armed action today.
So we can say that while the republican struggle involved a progressive objective, fought for by an oppressed section of the population, it involved elements of sectarian practice that conflicted with this objective. This may be contrasted with the armed actions of loyalists whose programme and actions didn’t contradict one another. Their programme didn’t occasionally involve sectarian murder but was sectarian murder.
I have never checked, but if the argument by John Hume – that more Catholics died at the hands of the IRA than British and loyalists – was even close to being true it would demonstrate the hopelessly misguided nature of the republican armed struggle. This lesson needs to be learnt or many Irish workers will not trust today’s republicans with political leadership. It has been said many times by many people that it is the threat of renewed armed struggle that has been one of the strongest arguments used to support the peace process and the current political settlement.
Today’s republicans are therefore an expression of the contradictions of imperialist rule and, in so far as they understand this and oppose this rule, they understand something important. However the fact that this movement is so old in historical terms, going back to the late 18th century shows two other things.
One, is that its historical task has not therefore been achieved and two, that history has developed more fundamental tasks than the creation of an independent nation state within which an Irish capitalist system can develop and grow.
The development of capitalism around the world and creation of a world working class means that political programmes that put forward new independent states as the fundamental and first step to wider and deeper liberation are now backward looking.
The latest expressions of republicanism are old in another sense. It is nearly 20 years since the first IRA ceasefire and the definitive surrender of the republican programme. It is 15 years since the leadership and majority of the membership accepted partition and the Good Friday Agreement. Time enough for those opposed to both to develop a programme that has learnt the lessons of this defeat and begun to construct an alternative. It is not encouraging that this has yet to be done.
It is easy to believe that politics in the north is a sectarian battle ground populated by plebs on all sides. Individual British army accounts of the tour of duty variety always emphasis the divided and angry pleb aspect of their time spent on our streets.And now it comes down to that once more or does it?
If you scan the political leadership of unionism it seems to have shifted to an extraordinary degree away from the landed estates of minor aristocrats like O.Neill and James C. Clarke, to W.Faulker a wealthy independent industrialist, to Harry West a large farm owner, to D. Trimble a law professor, and now to P. Robinson an employee of an estate agency and the rumored next leader Sammy Wilson a working class school teacher. This suggests a rapid shift down the class escalator.
Also the civil rights movement was frequently associated in the early days with rising middle class nationalists like Austin Curry and John Hume, school teachers and pushed along by the more radical middle class students of Queens University, only 5 per cent of young people attended university in 1968. This civil rights movement now looks like the beginning of a burgeoning nationalist middle class.
Then it seemed that it was all blocked up by a violent Orange led opposition and so the political leadership passed over to the more determined IRA and then on to the more assertive Sinn Fein, staffed by people of lower class origin with their bad diction and grammar. One can only ask the question how come political leadership visibly shifted down the social scale to get a new perspective on things?
What it might expose is the potential misapprehension of being led by sociological observations. Hegel once made a distinction between evidence and reason or reflection. For these we may substitute the sociological for the evident and the historical for the reflective. Despite sociological evidence there has been no shift in political leadership down the class escalator, Sinn Fein is in fact riding the wave of a still rising nationalist middle class with its same programme of no taxation without representation. Every new middle class needs a battering ram to clear its pathway into government
As for the transformation of Unionism and the coming to political leadership of the DUP, they now represent the modernizing side of unionism despite the sociological evidence of sectarian backwardness. The economy of capitalism is transforming and transformed, away from regional and national ownership and into an international or portfolio ownership and management and the north of Ireland does not stand out against this world wide trend, the most important companies in the north are foreign owned and operated . The international owners and managers must be placated with the ubiquitous neo- liberal policies and the DUP must comply or give up political leadership.
Meanwhile the broken down working class is obsessed with nurturing ‘local feelings of identity’ (resentment) and has therefore no perspective on either historical capitalism or historical socialism.